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Text 248 Hong Kong Advisory Committee

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    After the turmoil calmed down, Hong Kong remained as usual. If it weren't for the five-star red flags and red flags planted on flagpoles in the city, many people would not even think that the city's sovereignty already belonged to China.  The UK naturally does not admit this, but what can it do if it does not admit it? Just like today, the soldiers of the British Sawka Regiment who were captured in the Battle of Hong Kong, British government officials and British businessmen all walked to Victoria Harbor in silence.  Ship, they will leave this place that once made them drunk and dreamy.

    This scene aroused the interest of many Hong Kong citizens, who came one after another to witness the final departure of the colonists.

    Not everyone is happy to see this scene. Two days ago, a group of blind pan-democrats launched a small-scale protest on Hong Kong Island, strongly demanding Hong Kong's self-determination and opposing the rule of Communist China.  However, during the previous riots, many Hong Kong people had lost any idea about the British Hong Kong government that shot and suppressed the people. Most people also had no idea of ??the so-called independence and autonomy. Hong Kong people had never thought of themselves as the people with real power.  Regarding government positions, many commentators even worry that Hong Kong people with no experience in governing may have many negative impacts.

    The SAR Government Preparatory Advisory Committee has been established to establish an effective political system for Hong Kong.  At this time, the pan-democrats started to call for self-determination and independence, which caused them to almost completely lose power in the advisory committee.  The people don't care much about these clowns, because everyone knows that there is no possibility of Hong Kong's self-determination and independence at this time.

    So instead of caring about those impossible things, the media and people in Hong Kong are paying close attention to every move of the Advisory Committee. Especially in Hong Kong, where gossip is already fertile, members of the Advisory Committee who take too long to use the bathroom will even be published in newspapers.  .

    Because there is no stumbling block from the United Kingdom during the transition period, basically any system proposed by the Advisory Committee is constructive for Hong Kong.  Before 1991, there were no direct elections in Hong Kong's Legislative Council. Only indirect elections were held in 1985. Before that, there were even official or unofficial members appointed by the Governor of Hong Kong.  If history had not changed in early 1987, the British Hong Kong government would have released the "Green Paper on the Review of the Development of the Political System in 1987" in the autumn of that year and consulted the public on the introduction of direct elections.

    But in fact, the British Hong Kong government played tricks and distorted the consultation results to show that 70% of Hong Kong people do not want direct elections. The fact is of course the opposite.  The reason for distorting the results is that during the Sino-British negotiations, if this consultation shows that Hong Kong people do not want direct elections, then China will include universal suffrage in the Basic Law when it formulates it.  Of course, Britain tried different ways to cause trouble, but the result was changed.  This also meant that direct election was not realized in 196 and was postponed to 1991.

    ¡°In short, these are things that are impossible to happen at this level. The Advisory Committee has two major responsibilities: one is to establish the Basic Law with the central government, and the other is to negotiate with the central government and citizens to create Hong Kong¡¯s political system.

    There is actually no difference between the Legislative Yuan election and later Hong Kong. It is mainly divided into two parts: direct election by district and functional constituency. The direct election is composed of five constituencies on Hong Kong Island, Kowloon East, Kowloon West, New Territories East and New Territories West. -0 seats are elected in total. Functional constituencies  The sectors elect 3 seats from the 2 functional sectors of industry and commerce, labor, education, law, and medical, forming a total of 6 members of the Legislative Council.

    Although it is not a universal suffrage, half of the direct election quota is still very impressive.  Even some pan-democrats whose consciences are not completely dead also praised this as a major progress for Hong Kong democracy.  Some democrats also expressed their expectations for the election of the first SAR Legislative Council.

    The most controversial part is the selection of the chief executive.  After studying Hong Kong politics in later generations, some bigwigs believe that even though both the executive and legislative departments are pro-establishment, they lack the ability to coordinate actions and make frequent mistakes.  Therefore, he instructed the central representatives to propose a responsible cabinet system. The chief executive would be elected by the Legislative Council, so that the majority party in the parliament could elect its own leader as the chief executive. After the chief executive is born, a member will be elected to the legislative assembly.  However, in actual operation, it is very likely that there will be no absolute majority party, which will require a coalition of political parties to negotiate to select a chief executive, and various troubles will ensue.

    The advantage of the responsible cabinet system is that the legislative and executive councils maintain a certain unified pace, which is good for policy promotion and implementation. The disadvantage is that if something goes wrong, the entire party will take the blame. If a small party is in power, it can easily cause a crisis of trust.

    The other is to indirectly elect the chief executive through a so-called "broadly representative" election committee. This is the model in the original plane, which is relatively conservative. In fact, the central government controls the election of the chief executive through the election committee appointed by itself. The power is as high as  means to control the political situation in Hong Kong.  This is not impossible, but it will definitely be slowly replaced as the times develop.  And it is very easy to sort out the trust and relationship between the central government and local Hong Kong people.

    Some people in the Advisory Committee have also proposed direct universal suffrage for the chief executive, but the central government¡¯s voice is still not very supportive of such a radical model, so universal suffrage for the chief executive should be the least likely system.

    In the end, it was Ping Taizong¡¯s political wisdom that gave thisThe controversial question has an answer that satisfies all parties: a dual electoral system.

    The Chief Executive election and the Legislative Yuan election adopt a similar model. They both conduct direct elections for the five major elections and functional constituency elections. They adopt a method that is highly similar to universal suffrage to elect the chief executive.  Of course, there is nothing to say about direct election. The trick lies in the functional constituencies.  The central government basically has no control over direct election votes, but functional constituencies are basically all dependent on the central government, including trade unions, cultural circles, sports circles, industry and commerce, etc. The two functional constituencies can do a lot of small things.  .  Basically, these votes can be controlled a lot. Although it cannot be fully controlled like the election committee, at least there is a guarantee, and the procedural justice will not be affected on the surface.

    The efforts of the Advisory Committee have been widely recognized by the society, and it is rare to please both sides.  The left is happy to vindicate its Chinese identity, while the pan-democrats are gearing up to try to make a difference under a new democratic system.  Hong Kong people feel that the value of their votes has suddenly increased significantly, and they feel that their status has improved, and they have no nostalgia for the sad departure of the British.  There is only a group of blind guides and banana people left worrying about gains and losses, still holding on to all kinds of things that they have and don't have, but no one cares about these guys, and they are not willing to let them destroy the harmonious atmosphere.

    After the Advisory Committee formally determined Hong Kong's political system in April, politicians with political ambitions and people who wanted to be politicians began large-scale networking and propaganda activities. In almost a few days, dozens of parties appeared in Hong Kong.  , all pointing to the first election in July.  Although the dual-electoral system separates the Chief Executive from the Legislative Council, it is unlikely that the position of Chief Executive will be stabilized without the help of political parties.

    With the support of the central forces and the tilt of resources, the Hong Kong Socialist Democratic Party was formally established. Huo Yingdong, known as the red-top businessman, gave up business and entered politics to stand for the Social Democratic Party and serve as the party chairman.  Hong Kong's wealthy businessmen Li Jiacheng, Li Zhaoji, Macau gambling king Ho Hong-sun and others have donated large amounts of political donations to contribute to the Social Democratic Party's election campaign.  The Social Democratic Party itself was new and had not established its own political demands. In fact, most of the newly established political parties at this time had not reached that point. They were still ignorant. With the election around the corner, they could only beat the drums and beat the drums.  Hope to get votes.

    As a political party with the same name and attributes, the Nanyang Social Democratic Party also specially dispatched personnel to Hong Kong to provide guidance on party building. Naturally, there were also senior party officials in China sent to help, so the Hong Kong Social Democratic Party basically won at the starting line from the beginning.  A well-organized political party organizational structure, abundant financial resources, and support from external forces.  These are advantages that other Hong Kong parties cannot match.

    Qi Yiming personally helped draft the campaign platform, and he is one of the few people in China who is proficient in the context of democratic politics in this era.  He didn't mention much about specific economic and social development, and only gave a few suggestions to the Social Democratic Party.  The first is to establish a service-oriented government with high administrative efficiency; the second is to expand the powers of the Independent Commission Against Corruption and strengthen the construction of a clean government; the third is to strengthen the construction of the social welfare system and protect the interests of vulnerable groups; the fourth is to activate Hong Kong's free economy, strengthen cooperation with the mainland, and provide local industry and commerce  Provide more development opportunities.

    Overall, this program is well-organized and clearly follows the path of a center-left party.  There are no obvious interest groups to offend. Among them, protecting the interests of vulnerable groups and strengthening the construction of the social welfare system are what Hong Kong citizens care about most in polls. This has also allowed the Social Democratic Party to lead the polls since May and become the leader in July.  The biggest favorite in the Legislative Council election.

    Others, such as the Civic Party, the Democratic Party, this alliance, that alliance, etc., have not completed the integration of resources at this time, and the election leaders and competition strategies have not yet been released.  Therefore, those newly born local political commentators in Hong Kong believe that in the July Legislative Council election, if nothing unexpected happens, the Social Democratic Party will occupy a majority of the 6 seats in the Legislative Council.

    When the Legislative Council is elected, it will first review the "Hong Kong Basic Law". After it is passed by the local Legislative Council, it will be sent to the National People's Congress for review. After it is formally adopted, it will become a constitutional document of Hong Kong.

    There are two parts here. Qi Yiming has been asking the central government to fight for Hong Kong. First, as a part of China, even under one country, two systems, Hong Kong is obliged to pay local national taxes to the central government. The amount can be lower! But this principle is  There must be taxes.  Another matter of principle is to open a pLAR recruitment office in Hong Kong and implement a voluntary military recruitment plan.

    In another timeline, Hong Kong does not pay taxes to the central government and does not conduct military conscription. It only has rights and no obligations. This makes some Hong Kong people feel that they are born noble and have bad problems.  Qi Yiming strongly insisted that these two policies must be written into the Basic Law, giving Hong Kong a legitimate position from the root.
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