Ezione, on the other hand, believed that the basis of power was the means of force, material rewards, and symbols of legitimacy (such as prestige or affection). (Literary Museum)
Dennis Long divides the basis of power into personal resources such as wealth, prestige, and expertise, and collective resources.
The futurist Toffler also proposed the theory of power transfer, believing that power has been transferred from traditional violence and property to knowledge.
Forms of expression of power As a social relationship, power has many forms of expression.
?According to the different fields of power application, it can be divided into:
Political power: a relationship with the nature of public authority.
Economic power: Power based on social and economic relations has strong permeability and has a direct impact on political power.
Social power: Power relationships based on group identity in social roles, such as superior-subordinate relationships in organizations and parental power in families.
Cultural power: In a cultural community, the power naturally possessed by those who have a monopoly on cultural symbols and cultural interpretation rights.
? Galbraith is divided into: based on different power attributes:
Deserve Power: The power to compel or choose personal and group preferences to make others obey.
Reward power: giving certain benefits to individuals to make them obey.
?Constraining power: Implementing power by changing beliefs, and the obedient does not feel the fact of obedience.
?According to different forms of power, it can be divided into:
Compulsory power: When there is a conflict of interest between both parties in the power relationship, the threat of force is required.
Inductive power: Use positive inducements such as rewards to make the other party obey.
Power and International Relations - Power as a goal. For classical realists such as Machiavelli and Morgenthau, power is both the goal and the means pursued by individuals and groups (mainly countries). Under this definition, ends and means become one.
As for what purpose power serves, classical realists tend to believe that one of the essences of human nature is the endless pursuit of maximum power.
Although power is similar to currency in economics, it can be used to exchange for other resources in the political field. But power itself is one of the goals of desire, even its main goal.
?????????????????? For some people or groups, the relationship of dominance and dominance is the basis to satisfy their needs, without the need to exchange power for other resources, such as wealth, etc.
This argument can also be found in certain schools of psychology, sociology, and philosophy (existentialism).
Historically, certain people or groups seem to be willing to live in economic poverty, but continue to expand their power to dominate other groups and individuals. The reason may be to promote ideology or religion, but for some realists, the ultimate reason is power itself.
Power as influence - for some modern political science researchers. Defining power as a goal pursued by an individual or group seems too abstract, arcane, and unverifiable.
So it seems more appropriate to think of power as a competition for influence over other resources.
This kind of influence can be material and tangible ways of influence, such as economic cooperation and sanctions, military threats and alliances, or it can be intangible resources, such as the spread of ideological values.
But this view has also been criticized. commentators think. The concept of influence is not clearly related to the consequences of the operation of power, and it is easy for people to come to the logical fallacy that the winner is the one with the most influence, that is, the one with the most power.
For example, in 1812, Russia, which was at a military and economic disadvantage, defeated Napoleonic France. It is highly doubtful whether it can be concluded that Russia's influence is superior to France. In this way, the scientific nature and explanatory power of the concept of power are weakened.
Power as ability or resource - the structural realism school of international politics (or international relations theory) solves the above dispute. Propose a solution for defining power as ability.
This ability is actually the power resource once proposed by Morgenthau and others. The advantage of this rigorous definition is that ability can be measured more accurately.
For example, compare the military strength and economic strength of various countries, and use mathematical models to deduce and simulate the possible results of their confrontation.
However, scholars of this school also agree that capabilities and resources cannot 100% determine the outcome of a contest between more than two units, because there are always various accidental and uncertain factors in politics.
For example, weather, plague, misjudgment, etc. Therefore, measuring the balance of power can only limit the possible range of outcomes of struggles between countries. Rather than guaranteeing a specific outcome.
The opinion of critical structural realism is that although narrowing power into capabilities and resources has the advantage of easy measurement, it overly compresses the initiative of the power bearer, human beings, and has a negative impact on the development of human society.Causality is oversimplified into constraints between material forces. And there is a danger of falling into material determinism.
The above criticisms are similar to the views of Chinese Laozi, ** and others.
Lao Tzu once proposed the phenomenon of softness overcoming strength, and Mao Zedong once demonstrated that a weak country can defeat a strong country. The view that powerful people are rich in resources but are paper tigers.
This view attaches great importance to the strategy of the power executor and is not obsessed with tangible resources. Contemporary China¡¯s concept of unrestricted warfare is related to this.
The view that views power as capabilities and resources tends to focus on hard national power to facilitate model building and cross-national comparisons, but this perspective tends to neglect the role of non-material factors in international competition.
Nye, a scholar who once served as the U.S. Deputy Secretary of Defense, proposed the concept of soft national power in the early 1990s, which was an important development in the study of power.
According to Nye and others, soft national power is the attractiveness of a country¡¯s values, ideology, lifestyle, etc.
If a country has greater soft national power, that is to say, if other countries agree with the goals and values ??it wants to pursue, then when the country implements foreign policy to pursue certain interests, it can significantly reduce the consumption of hard national power.
On the contrary, if other countries are extremely hostile to the country's values ??and ideology, then even if the country has obvious military and economic advantages, it will pay a disproportionately heavy price when pursuing a certain national goal.
At present, academic circles still generally accept that the United States has relatively strong soft national power. This soft national power is reflected in the free economic system and democratic political system of the United States, as well as the development and innovation environment supported by this system.
In addition, the American-style, laissez-faire capitalist lifestyle encourages individuals to pursue wealth and development in every possible way. It is also an important reason why outstanding talents from various countries continue to flow into the United States, helping the United States maintain economic growth, scientific leadership, and military superiority.
However, this system, as well as a series of policies after Bush took office in 2000, have been criticized as severely damaging the soft national power of the United States, causing the United States to pay many unnecessary costs when pursuing interests around the world.
The Chinese international relations academic community also proposed the concept of comprehensive national power in the mid-1990s. This concept is conducive to comprehensive estimation of material and non-material power elements and processing them with mathematical models.
However, in several existing models, there are many differences in the weight estimates of different variables, and the results obtained are quite different from each other. This situation has repeatedly occurred in other countries, especially on how to estimate the national power of China, Russia, India, and Japan. The results of different studies are often very different.
The balance of power, also translated as balance of power and balance of power, is one of the core concepts of classical realism and structural realism theory.
The concept of pattern in Chinese international relations research literature is similar to this. This concept can refer to a policy proposition that emphasizes that countries should be vigilant and restrictive of each other. It can also refer to the objectively existing balance of power among international systems. Which definition to adopt depends on the context of the literature.
When it comes to power, we have to mention "rights". Rights are a widely used legal concept. The word "rights" was first used in 1864 by the American missionary Ding Haoliang when he translated Wheaton's "The Law of All Nations". Later, it also started to be used in Japan. Use this translation.