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Text Section 69 Loyal Minister (Part 2)

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    Wu Sangui knew Ma Bao and He Jiuyi. Ma Bao had surrendered to Wu Sangui, and He Jiuyi had also exchanged letters.  Wu Sangui felt that if Deng Ming had not come out to stir up trouble, most of the two people would not have followed Li Dingguo.

    Wu Sangui had vaguely heard that these senior military officers in Yunnan were reluctant to become enemies of Guizhou. Li Dingguo's strategy of attacking Guizhou or joining Wu Sangui's Northern Expedition has never received a mass response from the Yunnan Army, and now there are even fewer supporters in recent years.  However, it was not until he tested Mu Tianbo that Wu Sangui determined the reason. It was not that the generals of the Yunnan Army had become pacifists, but that their lives were indeed better than before, and their attention began to be directed towards the Imperial Army.  Over there - in the eyes of many Yunnan Army generals, the Imperial Army has better equipment, greater advantages over the enemy, and more opportunities to make great achievements, so it is more cost-effective for their children to make contributions in the Imperial Army.  Since the road in Guizhou is difficult, there is no gain in winning the battle, and Wu Sangui still has a strong army, it would be better for the juniors to follow Prime Minister Deng to get promoted and make a fortune.

    Since Mu Tianbo returned safely, the three kings of Kunming, who were comrades with him, warmly invited him to dinner.  Feng Shuangli also kindly invited Mu Tianbo to go hunting with him to relax - Li Dingguo and Bai Wenxuan had something to do every day, and they couldn't go hunting with the idle King Qingyang for ten days and a half, so he invited Mu Tianbo.

    But Mu Tianbo was most concerned about sending troops to serve the king, but he received no response.  Li Dingguo seemed to be a little tempted, but Bai Wenxuan talked a lot about how Yunnan has been experiencing constant wars for many years and the people's lives are difficult. Now is the time to recuperate.  Even Gong Changfan, who was deeply favored by the emperor, had this attitude. Mu Tianbo naturally understood that he would probably not be able to get reinforcements from Yunnan. As for asking Kunming to come forward to blame Yang Zai and force Yang Zai to raise troops to attack Mang Bai, it was also an impossible task.  Because Yang Zai was able to provide very practical benefits to Kunming, the occupation forces were responsible for protecting trade and supervising the implementation of reparations. These were all related to the vital interests of Yunnan officers, soldiers and people, so that their families could have enough food and clothing.  However, Emperor Yongli could not bring any actual benefits to the officers, soldiers, gentry and the people - after the emperor came back, he might have to recruit troops, requisition food, and fight, and the relationship between Yunnan and Sichuan might also deteriorate. Yang Zai sent him every year  I don¡¯t know if there are still dividends - no one can say it out loud, regardless of the emperor, but even a housewife will weigh the pros and cons in her heart.

    Through the mouth of Yunnan officials, Mu Tianbo also learned about an amazing conspiracy of the Sichuan Academy.

    Although Deng Ming rarely mentioned the Yongli Emperor of Burma, judging from his performance during the Yongli Fifteenth Year expedition, it is estimated that Deng Ming did not care about bringing the emperor back, as long as he continued to maintain the anti-Qing alliance.  In recent years, this anti-Qing alliance has become increasingly solid.  However, no one dares to say whether a new round of internal strife will break out if the emperor is gone.  Anyway, as the situation gets better and better, no one is willing to risk giving the Qing court a chance to counterattack, and no one is willing to be the first to shout, "We don't need the Great Tomorrow."

    Since the status quo is good, almost everyone is willing to maintain it.  The council even passed a plan. If there were any shortcomings in Yongli, the empire would support Donggong's accession to the throne at the first possible moment.  However, whether it is the current emperor or the next emperor, it is better to stay in Myanmar, so that when he comes back, everyone will not have an excuse to obey the authority.

    Last year, Deng Ming began to tinker with the nationality system. His main purpose was to further transform the country into a modern country. Secondly, he also had the intention of protecting overseas nationals.  However, after Deng Ming went to sea, someone in the courtyard casually mentioned it, and everyone started discussing the nationality of Emperor Yongli.  Deng Ming advocated that only those who enjoyed the same or the same status as a scholar were citizens of the empire, and those with the same rights as a scholar could be regarded as people with permanent residence rights in the empire and enjoyed national treatment.  This point was brought into play by many members of the chamber. They pointed out that since the imperial law cannot restrain the Great Tomorrow, and the Great Tomorrow is high above the emperor, it is obviously impossible for the Great Tomorrow to be awarded a title by the imperial government whose status is lower than him.  It is impossible to be a citizen of the empire - thus it follows that if the empire one day unifies the entire territory, then the emperor of tomorrow cannot and should not be Chinese.  Although the empire has not yet unified China, no one doubts that this will be an important task for the empire.

    The congressmen also further reasoned based on the law that if the Ming Emperor could never become Chinese, then the Huang Ming Empire would have the right to refuse his entry; and as long as the Ming Emperor could not return to the country, the Huang Ming Empire government would not implement the Ming Law in a hurry.  That is to say, it is logical.  Therefore, the imperial government and jurists suddenly discovered that the only way to solve this problem once and for all was to try to allow the emperor and his family to obtain Burmese nationality. As long as the Emperor of Heaven became a Burmese, he would have no choice but to stay in the country forever.  Myanmar.

    This idea was quickly revealed by newspapers and aroused heated discussion among many readers, with many applauding.  A large number ofTeachers expressed their opinions and believed that this idea was completely feasible in law.  In the future, even if the Ming Emperor smuggles himself back to China, the Ming Empire government can deport his old man back to Myanmar for illegal entry. Before the law, all Chinese are equal; the only one who is not equal is the emperor, so he is not Chinese.

    Almost when Mu Tianbo returned to China, the imperial government was planning to put this matter into practice. It planned to go to the Manglu and Mangbai regimes and ask them to register Yongli and his family in the Burmese household registration. It also planned to send special personnel  Take charge of this matter.

    After Mu Tianbo heard the news, he was so angry that he shouted: "I'm completely lost" After shouting these two words, Mu Tianbo was stunned. He felt that what the imperial government had lost was not its conscience, but its conscience.  Something else.

    "It sounds like the style of Prime Minister Deng's men." Wu Sangui was surprised at first, and then nodded slightly.  Now Wu Sangui and his subordinates generally have the impression that Deng Ming has no integrity at all, and this is also the case with Deng Ming's subordinates. Everyone who comes into contact with Deng Ming is also affected by him.  For example, Geng Jingzhong is now under siege, and it turns out that three Ming and Qing armies are attacking him together - an unprecedented coalition of Ming and Qing forces teamed up to attack the unlucky guy Geng Jingzhong.

    But at the same time, everyone discovered that Deng Ming took his promises very seriously, especially treaties and legal provisions. As long as Deng Ming signed the treaty, he would fulfill it seriously.  If he wants to make changes, he will negotiate with the other party in a friendly manner, and even come up with things to compensate those who obviously cannot resist him with force.

    As the region most affected by Deng¡¯s name, Sichuan now pays much more attention to law than other regions.  Because everyone knows that as long as it makes sense in law, no matter how absurd the request is, Deng Ming will agree to it and then try to amend the loopholes in the law. The same is true for the imperial government and the Council. Before doing something, they will always  Ask a litigator whether it is illegal.  ,

    It is precisely because of Sichuan's reputation for respecting law that the prosecution of Jiang Guozhu by several fellow Sichuan scholars attracted world attention - Thirteen years ago, the Zhejiang Army followed Deng Ming when he returned to Sichuan and took in a group of Zhenjiang orphans, many of whom  Now he is a fellow scholar and a citizen of the empire.  The orphans at that time had witnessed with their own eyes that Jiang Guozhu's troops burned, killed, and looted in Zhenjiang, snatching away all the women in the city and selling them to Yangzhou, Suzhou and other places.

    After Jiang Guozhu fled to Sichuan, he was welcomed by the imperial government. In accordance with the promise of special envoy Zhao Tianba, he and Zhang Chao were given accommodation and issued documents proving that he was a scholar.

    But Jiang Guozhu had only lived there for less than a month. Several Zhenjiang orphans reported to the Supervision Department that Jiang Guozhu had kidnapped their mother. The Supervision Department filed a public prosecution in accordance with the prescribed procedures, and the criminal officer also issued an arrest warrant in accordance with the law.  Now the imperial government and the victims are quarreling in newspapers. Some senior imperial officials believe that these victims obviously ignored the overall situation and destroyed the great cause and credibility of the empire for personal grudges. The supervisory department that filed the case was even more perfunctory; those who filed the lawsuit were even more perfunctory.  The prosecutor's office claimed that this was done entirely in accordance with the law and that they would not be afraid of suing Deng Ming. The victim even expressed that his parents' hatred was irreconcilable.

    The chief officer of the Supervision Department, like the district chief and pavilion chief, is no longer appointed by his superiors and begins to be elected, so he tends to be a victim on this issue.  Because voters generally expressed sympathy for the victim's experience, other prosecutors also said in interviews with newspapers that from a legal point of view, there was no doubt about the conviction of the case; however, officials above the imperial prefect level were directly appointed,  They prefer to look at the problem from the perspective of the country, and all of them attach great importance to the overall situation. Several senior imperial officials who did not want to be named said that if the criminal officer really convicts Jiang Guozhu, the imperial government will definitely use Deng Ming before leaving.  Granted the power of pardon to ensure that the former Governor of Liangjiang would not be imprisoned - after the provoking officer's decision to allow Jiang Guozhu to be released on bail pending trial came out, the Supervision Department, which supported the victim, expressed regret to the newspaper, saying that such a serious crime should not be done at all.  The bail was allowed; the Chengdu magistrate's office welcomed it, saying that the wise decision of the prison guard upheld the imperial government's consistent tradition of keeping its word.

    Jiang Guozhu¡¯s case may still be controversial, but Wu Sangui feels that the matter of helping Yongli apply for Burmese nationality is probably the consensus of most people in the empire.

    "The Duke of Guizhou probably doesn't know that when I led my troops to Yunnan fifteen years ago, I actually wanted to find an opportunity to imitate the King of Ningxia (Li Chengdong)." Wu Sangui said sternly to the desperate Mu Tianbo.  Li Chengdong's reputation was much worse than Wu Sangui's, but he was named King of Ningxia by Yongli because he led Guangdong anyway.

    Wu Sangui told Mu Tianbo that when he marched towards Yunnan and Guizhou, he was actually thinking about changing things anyway. Unfortunately, he was watched too closely by Hong Chengchou and was unable to communicate smoothly with Emperor Yongli or King Li Dingguo of Jin.  Moreover, Wu Sangui felt that relying on his own prestige alone might not succeed, so he wanted to take over Yongli and use the prestige of the Emperor of Heaven to order the 100,000 Qing troops who entered Guizhou to fight anyway.  It's just a pity, ?Emperor Li left Yunnan in a hurry, which made Wu Sangui's plan come to nothing. Later, he was attacked by Deng Ming and had an irresolvable misunderstanding with Li Dingguo.

    After explaining his ambitions and regrets to Mu Tianbo in detail, Wu Sangui looked sincerely into the eyes of the Duke of Guizhou: "I am a loyal minister of the Ming Dynasty. Don't worry, Duke, the matter of welcoming the emperor's return will be left to me."  Put it on you."
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